Tag Archives: legal and reports

. UN versus Iran's children rights obligations – III

“Since Iran believes that no one is really going to do anything about it, there is no reason to be concerned. The reality is, that since the Convention is an international treaty, other nations could enforce its provisions through litigation….The concept of enforcing treaties in courts of competent jurisdiction is relatively new to the international arena and thus there is little precedence for its implementation.”  

By: D.W. Duke  

Part I 
Part II
Part III: Enforcement Under the Convention on the Rights of the Child

The rights of children began to achieve international recognition in the early part of the 20th Century. The first text addressing the rights of children in international law was adopted in 1924 when the League of Nations passed a resolution endorsing the Declaration of the Rights of the Child that was first promoted in 1923 as the NGO “Save the Children” campaign. This became known as the “Declaration of Geneva.” In 1948 it formed the basis for the Declaration adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations and in 1959 became the Declaration of the Rights of the
Child. The by-product of this agenda to protect the rights of children ultimately became the United Nations “Convention on the Rights of the Child.” Widely heralded as an extraordinary product of human rights enthusiasts, the Convention received only a lukewarm reception in the United States. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/k2crc.htm was adopted by the General Assembly on November 20, 1989 and went into effect on September 2, 1990. As of this date only two nations of the world have not ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Those nations are the United States and Somalia.

By signing the Convention, the signatory nations agree to afford certain rights to minors regardless of the “child’s or his parent’s or legal guardian’s race, colour, sex, language, political or other opinion, national, ethnic or social origin, property disability, birth or other status.” See Article 2(1). A minor is a person under the age of 18 years unless pursuant to the law applicable to that child majority is attained earlier. See Article 1. (An example of a law applicable to the rights of a child wherein one younger than 18 would be regarded as an adult, might be a law which allows minors to marry. That law does not, however, transform that minor into an adult for all purposes such as the application of the death penatly.) The Convention requires that all actions taken with respect to children must be in the “best interests of the child.” The Convention is designed to prevent the exploitation of children, child selling and trafficking and child abuse. The Convention also prohibits the recruitment of children into the military prior to age of 15 years.

The Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) www.ohchr.org/english/bod…/index.htm established by Article 43(1) of the Convention, is responsible to monitor the efforts taken by the various states to comply with the provisions of the Convention. The Committee is made up of ten members of high moral standing and competence in the “field covered by this Convention.” The CRC reviews the reports submitted by the States concerning the steps they have taken to comply with the Convention. The CRC has no power to receive or review complaints from individuals. The members of the Committee are selected by secret ballot from a list of persons nominated by the States. Each State may nominate one person from among its own nationals.

There have been two Optional Protocols to the “Convention on the Rights of the Child.” The first Optional Protocol addresses the recruitment and involvement of children in the armed forces. Under its provisions States are required to take all reasonable steps to assure that children under the age of 18 do not participate in armed conflict. The goal is to see the minimum age of participation in military forces raised to 18 years.

The second Optional Protocol went into effect on January 18, 2002 and concerns child pornography, child prostitution and child trafficking. This protocol requires that each State take steps to assure that these acts are criminalized whether occurring within its borders or outside of its borders. States are required to prosecute offenders found within its territories. The Protocol also established an enforcement mechanism and a procedure for the confiscation of materials and assets used in the crime.

As with the other treaties that have been signed concerning the issue of human rights, enforcement up to the present date has been largely limited to the voluntary cooperation of the member nations. This, in large part is the reason such nations as Iran continue to violate the provisions of the “Convention on the Rights of the Child.” Since Iran believes that no one is really going to do anything about it, there is no reason to be concerned. The reality is, that since the Convention is an international treaty, other nations could enforce its provisions through litigation or even through the use of military force. The concept of enforcing treaties in courts of competent jurisdiction is relatively new to the international arena and thus there is little precedence for its implementation. Thus, for the most part, at present, we are thrown back onto the voluntary cooperation of each nation in assuring that the rights of children are protected.

Although there is no specific complaint procedure for the Convention on the Rights of the Child, there are procedures for bringing individual complaints under four of the UN treaties. Here is a link to a page of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights which explains the complaint process: www.ohchr.org/english/bod…ncications

In addition, there are procedures for bringing complaints on matters where an individual complaint procedure is not available under a particular treaty. These include the newly established Human Rights Council www.ohchr.org/english/bod…/index.htm with its new complaint procedures including the 1503 procedure www.ohchr.org/english/bod…laints.htm

While these complaint mechanisms are a step in the right direction, it remains to be seen how effective these processes will be in dealing with specific violations. Several years ago I lodged a 1503 complaint which received no response whatsoever with the exception of acknowledgement of receipt so I have not been overly optimistic about the procedure. Nonetheless, the 1503 procedure was fairly new at that time which could account for the apparent nonresponsiveness. It may be that SCE Campaign should begin the process of lodging 1503 complaints in cases involving violations of the “Convention on the Rights of the Child.” If nothing else, it would keep this issue in the presence of the Office of the High Commissioner.

Partial List of References:

1. United Nations Charter
2. United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights
3. United Nations Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
4. United Nations Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)
5. The First Optional Protocol on the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
6. The Second Optional Protocol on the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
7. The United Nations International Covention on the Rights of the Child
8. J. Robinson, Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms in the Charter of the United Nations: A Commentary (1946)
9. L. Sohn & T. Buergenthal, International Protection of Human Rights 556 (1973) and L. Henkin The Age of Rights 51 (1990)
10. D. McGoldrick, The Human Rights Committee: Its Role in the Development of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 300 (1994)
11. International Human Rights, 3d edition, Buergenthal,Shelton and Stewart, (2002) West Publishing Company
12. International Human Rights in Context, 2d edition, Steiner and Alston, (2000) Oxford University Press

فعالان حقوق كودك توقف اجراي حكم اعدام افراد زير18سال را خواستار شدند


مجلس شوراي اسلامي و
رياست محترم قوه قضاييه
همچنانكه مستحضريد به موجب قوانين جمهوري اسلامي ايران ، سن مسئوليت كيفري براي دختران 9 سال و پسران 15 سال تمام قمري تعيين شده است كه اين موضوع موجبات صدور احكام سنگين از جمله اعدام براي افراد زير 18 سال را فراهم نموده است .
اين در حالي است كه طبق بند 5 ماده 6ميثاق حقوق مدني و سياسي و همچنين ماده 37 كنوانسيون حقوق كودك كه ايران ملزم به رعايت مقررات هر دوي آنهاست، صدور حكم اعدام براي افرادي كه در زمان ارتكاب جرم كمتر از 18 سال دارند، ممنوع است.
تصويب كليات لايحه تشكيل دادگاه اطفال و نوجوانان در سال گذشته، بارقه‌هاي اميدي را در دل طرفداران حقوق بشر ايجاد نمود” عنوان شده است: طولاني شدن روند تصويب لايحه مذكور و همچنين پاره‌اي از مفاد لايحه موصوف از جمله تفويض اختيار اجراي مقررات مربوط به حدود و قصاص در مورد اطفال زير 18 سال به قاضي دامنه نگراني‌هايي را ايجاد كرده است.
ما امضا كنندگان نامه حاضر به استناد تعهدات بين المللي دولت ايران و با تمسك به تجربيات ديگر جوامع در اين خصوص ضمن تاكيد مجدد بر اين‌كه هرگز دختر 9 ساله مانند افراد بزرگسال قادر به پيش بيني نتايج و تبعات اعمال خويش نيست، از قواي مقننه و قضاييه دولت ايران مي خواهيم ضمن ارج نهادن به تعهدات بين المللي در اين زمينه ، اقدامات زير را براي حفظ حقوق كودكان به عمل آورند .
اولا – رياست محترم قوه قضاييه از صدور اجازه اجراي حكم اعدام و قصاص تا تعيين تكليف لايحه تشكيل دادگاه اطفال و نوجوانان خودداري نمايند .
ثانيا – مجلس شوراي اسلامي ضمن تسريع در تصويب لايحه تشكيل دادگاه اطفال و نوجوانان ، در تصويب جزئيات آن ، دقت لازم را به عمل آورده تا اطمينان حاصل شود هيچ كودكي كه در زمان ارتكاب جرم كمتر از 18 سال داشته است در معرض صدور حكم اعدام اعم از حدود و قصاص و تعزيرات قرار نمي‌گيرد.
ثالثا – مجلس شوراي اسلامي تا تصويب قانون مذكور كه آن را بسيار طولاني‌تر از زمان مورد انتظار خوانده‌اند، با تصويب قانوني با قيد دو فوريت جهت ممنوعيت اجراي احكام اعدام افرادي كه در زمان ارتكاب جرم كمتر از 18 سال داشته‌اند، اقدام لازم را به عمل آورد.
از قوه مقننه و قضاييه ايران انتظار مي‌رود تا با در نظر گرفتن سياست‌هاي پيشرفته جنايي در دنياي امروز و با رعايت تساهل و مدارا، از صدور حكم اعدام افراد زير 18سال در هر شكلي و تحت هر عنواني اعم از حدود و قصاص و تعزيرات، جدا جلوگيري به عمل آورند و به نوجوانان اين مرز و بوم كه در اثر عوامل و شرايط قهري اجتماعي و اقتصادي و بي‌توجهي جامعه مرتكب جرم شده‌اند، فرصت مجددي براي بازسازي شخصيت‌شان و بازگشت به زندگي سالم بدهند و نيز براي پايان بخشيدن به اين معضل كه مرگ و زندگي افراد به صلاح ديد شخصي ديگران واگذار شده، ‌چاره‌اي بيانديشند.

 سيد محمد علي آذين- حسن آقاخاني- نعمت احمدي- زهرا ارزني – ابراهيم اسماعيلي هريسي – سعيد اقبالي – پريا برنا- مهناز پراكند- هوشنگ پوربابايي- گيتي پورفاضل- محسن جبلي طاهري- حوريه چهار لنگ- ليلا حقيقت خواه- آزاده حمسي- محمدعلي دادخواه- مليحه السادات دادخواه- نرگس دستجردي- پريسا دشتي پور- بهاره دولو- امير رئيسيان- نجما رحماني- نسرين ستوده- عبدالفتاح سلطاني- اكرم سلماني- سيد محمد سيف زاده- زينب سيفي- شاعري – مصطفي شعباني- محمد شيوايي- هاجر صباغيان- شادي صدر- سحر طالبي- شيرين عبادي- اسماعيل عرب- محمدرضا عظيمي- ليلا علي كرمي- نسيم غنوي- فريده غيرت- تقي فرزانه- الهام فهيمي- مريم قنبري- لطيف كبودوند- مريم كرباسي- سارا كريمي- بهمن كشاورز- مريم كيان ارثي- فاطمه گلزار- زهره مجدزاده- منيژه محمدي- محمد مصطفايي – فروغ ميرزايي- ليلا نمازي- عارف نوروزي- مرضيه نيك آرا و صالح نيكبخت.
انتهاي پيام

 

55 Iranian attorneys and advocates demand an end to child executions

In a letter to Parliament of Islamic Republic and Head of judiciary Ayatollah Shahrudi, 55 Attorneys and children right activists in Iran demanded a halt to execution of persons under the 18 years of age until the passage of the new parliamentary bill which is supposed to stop this practice.  

After reference to Iran’s penal age (9 lunar years for girls and 15 lunar years for boys) the letter recalled Iran’s obligation to comply with Article 6.5 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the article 37(a) of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) which prohibit execution of children.

Letter states that the preliminary approval of the parliamentary bill last year created much hope among the human right advocates however the lengthy delay in its passage as well as few parts of the bill such as exceptions in the cases of Ghisas (where family of victim is given the right to determine the life and death) has caused much worries.   

The letter continues that a 9 year old girl is not able to predict the consequences of her actions the same as an adult. The signors specifically asked Ayatollah Shahrudi to stop final approval of the executions orders until passage of this bill (At least 3 cases were approved by Shahrudi in 2007. two children were executed and Behnam Zare is awaiting execution)

The Iranian children right lawyers and activists also stated that there has not been any opposition to the passage of this bill by the religious leaders and therefore have asked Iran’s parliament to speed up the passage of this bill and additionally assure that no child alleged of a crime below 18 years of age will ever be executed including the Quisas cases. 

In conclusion the letter states that Iran’s legislative and judiciary must consider the advanced penal laws of today’s world and to seriously stop and prevent approval of any laws or verdicts in any form and titles such as (Islamic sharia laws of) Hodud, Ghisas and Taziaat that lead to execution of a child. The letter further asks that the Iranian youth who have committed a crime due to social and economic circumstances to be given another chance to rebuild their character and to return to a healthy life.

“Seek a solution to this intricate which has assigned the life and death of citizens to the decision of another”  The letter concludes.

Nobel prize laureate Shirin Ebadi, Sina Paymard’s attorney Nasrin Sotoudeh, Nazanin Fatehi’s co-attorney Shadi Sadr and Mohammad Mostafai who represents many children such as Reza Alinejad and Behnam Zare are few of the names seen among the 55 signatories.

UN versus Iran's children rights violations ( part II )

By: D.W. Duke 

Part I 

Part II: The Optional Protocols of the ICCPR

The Optional Protocols of the ICCPR (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights), are separate treaties from the ICCPR yet function much like addendums to the ICCPR. The First Optional Protocol authorizes private persons to file complaints with the Human Rights Committee alleging violations of the ICCPR. Under the Optional Protocol the complaint may be filed only against those nations that have ratified the ICCPR. Prior to filing the complaint the Complainant is required to have exhausted all domestic remedies with the nation alleged to have violated the ICCPR. (Domestic remedies would refer to such acts as filing a discrimination action against one’s own government in that nation’s courts, or appealing an adverse order. In reality, many nations that routinely violate human rights have little or no internal remedies for aggrieved citizens.)

For a complaint to be considered under the Optional Protocol it cannot be a matter under examination in another procedure of internal investigation or settlement. See Optional Protocol, art. 3. Additionally, the complaint cannot be anonymous, violate the right of submission or be otherwise incompatible with any provision of the Covenant. See Optional Protocol, art. 5(2)(a). The State has two months to submit an objection to the admissibility of the written information of the complaint and the Complainant has a period of time, set by the Committee, to reply to the objection. If the State does not object to the admissibility of the communications and information, it has six months to prepare and submit its arguments of the case. See HRC, Rules of Procedure 91. The Committee prepares its findings and statement of decision based upon the written reports of the Complainant and the State respondent.

In 1989 the Committee established the office of the Special Rapporteur on New Communications to assess whether a new communication requires clarification or modification for admissibility or whether it should be referred to State parties to assess admissibility and substance. Special equitable authority exists in the Special Rapporteur where irreparable harm is likely to occur to the victim of the act alleged, in the absence of extrordinary relief. The Special Rapporteur may recommend admissibility or exclusion of the communication. If admissible, the case is examined by a subcommittee called a “Working Group” which makes a recommendation to the Committee. Decisions by the Committee are called “Views” and the individual members of the Committee may submit dissenting or concurring opinions. Although the Optional Protocols do not set forth any method of assuring that the States comply with the Views, the Special Rapporteur is charged with the responsibility to “follow up” with the States. Additionally, States are then required to state in their reports what measures have been taken to comply with the Views. The annual report of the Committee to the General Assembly contains a section on the “follow up” results focusing specifically on cases where the State failed to comply. The Special Rapporteur also meets in Geneva or New York with diplomats from the States out of compliance. At that time the Special Rapporteur attempts to persuade the diplomats to encourage their governments to comply. Because of the large number of admissible cases in recent years a large body of case law has developed that interprets and applies the ICCPR and the Protocols .

The Second Optional Protocol went into effect on July 11, 1991. The primary objective of this Protocol was the elimination of the death penalty. All nations that sign this Protocol agree to take the necessary measures to abolish the death penalty within that nation’s jurisdiction. There is an exception for “the application of the death penalty in time of war pursuant to a conviction for a most serious crime of a military nature committed during wartime.”

Next: Enforcement Under the Convention on the Rights of the Child

Partial List of References:

1. United Nations Charter
2. United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights
3. United Nations Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
4. United Nations Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)
5. The First Optional Protocol on the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
6. The Second Optional Protocol on the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
7. The United Nations International Covention on the Rights of the Child
8. J. Robinson, Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms in the Charter of the United Nations: A Commentary (1946)
9. L. Sohn & T. Buergenthal, International Protection of Human Rights 556 (1973) and L. Henkin The Age of Rights 51 (1990)
10. D. McGoldrick, The Human Rights Committee: Its Role in the Development of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 300 (1994)
11. International Human Rights, 3d edition, Buergenthal,Shelton and Stewart, (2002) West Publishing Company
12. International Human Rights in Context, 2d edition, Steiner and Alston, (2000) Oxford University Press

UN versus Iran's children rights viloations ( part I )

Following are a series of articles written by SCE Campaign member D.W. Duke in response to a question that was raised at the Stop Child Executions Discussion Forum :

Does United Nations have any means to question or penalize countries such as Iran who are signatories to CRC and ICCPR but contiinue to violate its rules ?

The most basic enforcement authority probably derives from Article 56 of the UN Charter whereby all member nations pledge to “take joint and separate action in cooperation with the Organization (UN) for the achievement of the purposes set forth in Article 55.” Article 55 includes several paragraphs most notably here “universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.”
So how does this language translate into “real world” enforcement? Standing alone not very well. Despite its broad language Article 55 only confers limited powers on the Organization. The obligation to “promote” lies with the UN General Assembly and the Economic and Social Counsel whose resolutions on the subject are not legally binding. Moreover, the vague language imposing the obligation of member states to promote human rights and fundamental freedoms and to take joint and separate action in furtherance thereof is likely too vague for serious enforcement. Article 13(1) of the Charter requires the General Assembly to conduct studies and make recommendations to accomplish the objectives of Article 55. Although the impact of the Charter was initially in question See J. Robinson, Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms in the Charter of the United Nations: A Commentary (1946) a member nation can no longer assert that mistreatment of its citizens is a subject only for its own sovereign concern. See L. Sohn & T. Buergenthal, International Protection of Human Rights 556 (1973) and L. Henkin The Age of Rights 51 (1990).

The United Nations has also promulgated the International Bill of Human Rights which consists of provisions of the UN Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Optional Protocols to the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. These documents are seen as a code of human rights which provide guidance in understanding the meaning of the phrase in Article 55 “human rights and fundamental freedoms.”

Today the question is seen as one of compliance with the responsibility to promote “human rights and fundamental freedoms.” The question is often phrased in terms of whether a member nation engages in acts that constitute a “consistent pattern of gross violations.” The UN has created Charter based institutions designed to insure compliance by member states. For example, the UN has established the UN Commission on Human Rights and its bodies to establish procedures for reviewing allegations of abuse.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is not a treaty and thus, has no legal force and effect except perhaps in the generic concept of international human rights law. However, The Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and The Covenant on Civil and Political Rights are actual treaties and are binding on the member nations. The Covenants each establish a distinct international enforcement system to insure compliance by member nations which are expanded in the ICCPR by the Optional Protocols which permits private individuals to file petitions charging violations of rights under the Covenant.

The ICCPR established the Human Rights Committee (HRC) which has been given various administrative and reporting functions designed to insure that ratifying nations are in compliance. It established an interstate complaint mechanism and the private right of petitions. This Committee consists of 18 members nominated by the State Parties but who serve in their individual capacities rather than as government representatives. (This is designed to avoid bias). The State parties are required to give reports on their progress which are then examined by the Committee members. The Committee has established comprehensive reporting guidelines for dealing with the reports. The State representatives may be called upon to address specific concerns and non-compliant acts consisting of grave violations may be reported to the UN General Assembly and the UN Secretary General.

Article 40(1) of the ICCPR requires ratifying nations to submit reports concerning the progress made toward promoting the rights secured by the Covenant. The reports are to identify any difficulties experienced by the member State that has impacted the implementation of those rights. The initial report is to be submitted within one year of entry into the Covenant and whenever requested thereafter. Generally, the report is to be made every five years. Generally, designated members of the Committee prepare questions to ask of the State representative and one full day is usually devoted to the oral examination of a member State. After completing the public hearing the Committee prepares its “Concluding Observations.” These general observations are transmitted to the member State and also to the UN General Assembly.

One of the primary problems with this reporting system is that it is dependent upon the cooperation of the member nation. If a nation does not submit its report in a timely fashion, which is commonly the case, then the Committee is limited in its ability to prepare a timely report. Unfortunately, at present the Committee only meets three times per year and for only three weeks. Thus, only about five reports can be addressed in a single session. As a result there is a serious backlog in addressing the reports. Moreover, serious financial limitations within the UN have forced a reduction in the Committee staff further hampering the ability to study the information and to complete reports. As a result the Committee has adopted a practice of submitting General Comments to the State members which are designed to provide guidance in discharging reporting obligations. The General Comments have become a vehicle for interpreting the language of the ICCPR which is now accepted as the authoritative word on this issue.

Another feature of the ICCPR is that Articles 41 and 42 provide for interstate communications thus allowing one state to charge another with violation of a treaty. However, given the optional nature of this procedure it can only be used against nations that recognize the jurisdiction of the Committee to receive and act on complaints. Generally, however, the Committee has no jurisdictional authority to act on a given complaint. Instead its authority is one of mediation or conciliation. In cases where a settlement is reached, the Committee reports the terms of the settlement. But where there is no settlement, the Committee must within 12 months prepare a report containing a brief submission of the facts and the oral statements of the parties. In this situation the Committee can form its own recommendation of how a given matter should be addressed. In most cases, the proceedings terminate upon the recommendation by the Committee. Where, however, the States so choose, they may form an ad hoc Conciliation Commission consisting of five members who serve in their individual capacities. This Commission will make further efforts to settle the dispute. Where the parties are still unable to resolve their disputes, Article 44 of the ICCPR authorizes the States to utilize other procedures for resolving the disputes in a manner consistent with the international agreements that are in effect between the parties. Where both States accept the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice, the dispute may be presented to that forum. Unfortunately, it is often the case that a State will accept the jurisdiction of this court when it suits that State’s purpose but not where the Court is likely to rule in a manner contrary to that State’s position.

Next: UN Reporting mechanism and consequential actions

Partial List of References:

1. United Nations Charter
2. United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights
3. United Nations Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
4. United Nations Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)
5. The First Optional Protocol on the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
6. The Second Optional Protocol on the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
7. The United Nations International Covention on the Rights of the Child
8. J. Robinson, Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms in the Charter of the United Nations: A Commentary (1946)
9. L. Sohn & T. Buergenthal, International Protection of Human Rights 556 (1973) and L. Henkin The Age of Rights 51 (1990)
10. D. McGoldrick, The Human Rights Committee: Its Role in the Development of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 300 (1994)
11. International Human Rights, 3d edition, Buergenthal,Shelton and Stewart, (2002) West Publishing Company
12. International Human Rights in Context, 2d edition, Steiner and Alston, (2000) Oxford University Press

Letter of Attorney Mostafaei to Iran's head of judiciary

In the Name of God
His Excellency Ayatollah Shahroodi, Head of judiciary,
Greetings,
As you are informed, it has been 4 years since the bill of the investigation of the criminal acts by minors is being reviewed by the experts of the judicial and legal committee of the Islamic parliament, and due to the recent pressure of the local and foreign assemblies, it has taken priority in the committee’s agenda.
The execution of children under the age of 18 has been especially emphasized upon and disturbed the Human Rights activists.
There are children who are now awaiting the announcement of the verdict of their trials and the calling of their names and their sentencing, amongst them are my clients: 1- Saeed Jozee 17, 2- REza Padashi 16, 3- Hossein Toranj 16, 4-Safar Angooti 17, 5- Hossein Haghi 16, 6- Ali Shanbehzadeh 17 (all in Rejayi prison in the sity of Karaj) 7-Reza Ali Nejad 17, 8-Mohamad Jahedi 16, 9-Behnam Zareh 15 (Adel Abad prison in Shiraz) 10-Delara Darabi 17, 11- Mahyar Haghgoo 17 (in Rasht prison) and 12 Mohamad Lateef 15 (in prison in city of Saveh).
Of the above mentioned, Behnam Zare, 15 years old has been convicted of a capital crime and could be hanged any moment and be killed.
It has been heard that in the (parliamentary) bill of the investigation of the criminal acts committed by minors, the hanging execution of the children under the age of 18 has been eliminated, If that is accurate, and if the bill passes by the Islamic parliament, our beloved country will take an enormous leap in the protection of human rights.
Article 6 paragraph 5 of the (UN) convention clearly states: “There shall be no death sentences given to children under the age of 18”. For centuries, experts including psychologists, criminologists and socialogists have investigated the mental growth and maturity of the children and a number of other elements that demonstrate the fact that most crimes committed by the children under the age of 18 have an accidental unintentional and unmeditated nature, and due to the childish mentality, none had the intention of killing and have no previous criminal records and did not collaborate with anyone else.
The Article 9 of the civil law in regards to the international covenants, indicates that ” the convenant rules and restrictions set under the constitutional laws between Iran and foreign governments apply as the law of the land” .
According to the 77th amemdment of the constitution, the courts are bound to apply with the international agreements and contracts that have passed by the congress. The agreement mentioned above was passed by the congress in the year 1354 (A.D.1975) and no law in contrary to this international agreement has passed since.
The laws in accordance to the international treaties take precedence over civil laws, but the judges presiding over these trials have disregarded this fact. The judges who rule the execution verdict of the children under the age of 18, refer to the punitive Islamic laws (49) and civil law (1210) clearly stating the “religious maturity” of the defendents to be diffrent from their “legal age”, although there are discrepencies in the definition of religious maturity between the juris consults, and there is no distinct definition.
Besides the difference of opinion about the actual age of religious maturity, there are circumstances that would allow flexibility in the punishment. Some of the Islamic Authorities have considered a reduced sentence for the children under the age of 18. Ayatollah Nouri of Hamedan has answered the question of reducing the sentence, as follows: ” with regards to accuracy and interest of policy, it can be done”. Ayatollah Behjat says: “under these circumstances, when the crime is not proven completely, can be persuaded to forgiveness”. Ayatollah Makarem Shirazi expressed: ” for the sentencing of the underage adolescents, the maturity level has to be considered, in the case of any suspicion and if such sentencing would deface Islam throughout the world, per the judge’s discretion, there can be reductions in the severity of the sentence. Even after the sentence is given, in case of adolescents, the judges can mediate and find a way to reduce the sentence by convincing the prosecution (and the victim’s family) to accept monetary means in lieu of the sentence.
At this time, it’s been proven that the minimum age for the punishments such as execution and life imprisonment is 18 and people under the age of 18 are considered children.
In our country when a boy reaches the age of 15 and the girl 9 (lunar years and not solar years – therefore it converts  to younger age) and if they commit murder, they do get executed. Mohammad Lateef commited murder at the age of 14 yrs and 11 months, all the medical examiners agreed that at the time the crime was commited, Mohammad was not at a mature age and lacked sufficient mental growth. Unfortunately, the court prosecuted him for a Capital crime and he is awaiting sentencing.
Mr head of judiciary , I proclaim that my clients and others under the age of 18 who have commited these crimes, have done so unintentionally and they do not deserve to be executed and put to death. They were still growing children at the time and now that they have grown up and opened their eyes to the society, they find themselves in prison and await their hanging. They waste their days and nights anticipating their execution and some of them have not even commited murder, but due to their childish mentality accepted the responsibility of such crime and some have denied the allegations later with proof. Some have commited the crime as a self-defense when their cries for justice did not reach anyone.
One day I went to meet with two of my clients to Shiraz Adel Abad prison. After the due process, it took me 3 hours to meet with them. They were pale and shivering because they thought they were being called to be hanged, they were eluding leaving their cell.
Mr Head of Judiciary, I know that during your term in the office you have sent a lot of the judgements back to be reviewed and you have tried to prevent the execution of innocents. One of those cases was Shahla Jahed which his excellemcy sent the file back back to be reviewed by the supreme court, and in the case of Kobra Rahmanpour, you preferred and seeked a peaceful agreement between them. Also your attention and sensibility in regards to the sentences of stoning is known to all, although some of the judges without any regards to the pobations against stoning sentenced a hopeless man in one of the villages of Takestan, which portrayed our beloved country as a violent one in the eyes of the world.
Mr. Shahroodi, capital punishment requires your approval, therefore on behalf of other attorneys and the many children who are facing execution, I ask you to delay such sentencing and prevent the execution of the children under the age of 18 until the final results of the parliamentary bill regarding the children penal laws. it is evident that stopping such executions is not harmful to the legal branch nor the society, but if the executions take place and then the law is passed to eliminate capital punichment for the minors, it would be against justice. It will not be beneficial for the society, but also those children who unwillingly or unknowingly commited the crimes would lose their lives unjustly. In such cases even if their innocence is proven, there’ll be no redemption.
with regards
Mohamad Mostafaei
translated by MG 

نامه وكيل مدافع محمد مصطفايي به آيت الله شاهرودي

رياست محترم قوه قضاييه جناب آيت الله شاهرودي

با سلام ،
         همانطور كه مستحضريد لايحۀ رسيدگي به جرائم اطفال  مدت چهار سال است كه در كميسيون حقوقي و قضايي مجلس شوراي اسلامي تحت بررسي اعضاء كمسيون و كارشناسان متخصص قرار دارد و اخيراً با توجه به فشارهاي محافل داخلي و خارجي ، به صورت ويژه در دستور كار كمسيون قرار گرفته است . در اين  ميان آنچه كه حائز اهميت خاص و موضوع نامه مرقوم و دغدغه فعالین حقوق بشر است « اعدام اطفال زير 18 سال »  مي باشد . اطفالي كه هر آن منتظرند تا نامشان را جهت اجراي حكم قصاص نفس صدا زنند و يا نتيجة دادرسي به آنها ابلاغ شود ؛ تعدادي از موكلين اينجانب به نامهاي 1- سعيد جزي 17 ساله  2- رضا پاداشي   16 ساله  3- حسين ترنج 16 ساله ، 4 – صفر انگوتي 17 ساله ، 5 – حسين حقي 16 ساله     6 -علي شنبه زاده 17 ساله ( همگي محبوس در زندان رجايي شهركرج  )  7 – رضا علي نژاد 17 ساله ، 8 – محمد جاهدي 16 ساله ، 9 – بهنام زارع 15 ساله ( محبوس در زندان عادل آباد شيراز )‌ 10 – دلارا دارابي 17 ساله ، 11 – مهيار حقگو 17 ساله (محبوس در زندان رشت) و  12 – محمد لطيف 15 ساله محبوس در زندان ساوه از جملۀ آنانند . از ميان اين افراد اذن به اجراي قصاص نفس بهنام زارع 15 ساله داده شده و هر لحظه امكان دارد تا نامبرده به دار آويخته و حيات وي سلب گردد .
 شنيده شده كه در لايحۀ رسيدگي به جرائم اطفال و نوجوانان اعدام اطفال زير 18 سال منتفي گشته ، در صورت صحت اين موضوع و تصویب آن توسط مجلس شورای اسلامی ، كشور عزيزمان گام بزرگي را در حفظ حقوق بشر خواهد برداشت ولي معضل و چالش موجود صدور احكام اعدام براي اطفال زير 18 سال در شرايط كنوني و اجراي آنها پس از رسيدن سن شان  به 18 سال مي باشد. اين در حالي است كه صرفنظر از صحت و سقم انتفاء اعدام اطفال زير 18 سال – ايران در سال 1354 بدون هيچ قيد و شرطي به ميثاق بين المللي حقوق مدني و سياسي پيوسته است .
بند 5 ماده 6 ميثاق صراحتاً مقرر نموده  : « حكم مجازات مرگ  نبايد براي جرمهايي كه افراد زير 18 سال  مرتكب شده اند صادر شود . »  تصويب اين مقرر بي دليل نبوده و پس از قرنها  تلاش و كوشش محققان از جمله  جامعه شناسان ، جرم شناسان و روانشناسان  با بررسي همه جانبه وضعيت اجتماعي ، رواني ، بلوغ فكري طفل و دهها موضوع ديگر صورت پذيرفته است عملاً نيز با بررسي پرونده هاي شخصيتي اطفال زير 18 سال به اين نتيجه خواهيم رسيد كه در بسياري از مواقع عمل ارتكابي آنها بصورت اتفاقي و بدون اراده و قصد قبلي و از روي كودكي به وقوع پيوسته و هيچ كدام آنها قصد قتل شخص ثالثي را نداشته و همگی فاقد سابقه کیفری بوده و با هیچ شخص دیگری معاونت و تبانی ننموده اند .
مادۀ 9 قانون مدني در مورد عهود بين المللي اذعان داشته كه : « مقررات عهودي كه بر طبق قانون اساسي بين دولت ايران و ساير دول منعقد شده باشد در حكم قانون است .» و اصل 77 قانون اساسي اجراي عهد نامه ها ، مقاله نامه ها و موافقت نامه هاي بين المللي را منوط به تصويب مجلس دانسته است بنابراين چون ميثاق ياد شده در سال 1354 به تصويب مجلس رسيده ، و تا كنون نيز قانوني مخالف با اين بند ميثاق وضع نشده ، دادگاهها مکلفند مفاد ميثاق را در احكام خود لحاظ نمايند مضافاً به اينكه در روابط بين الملل ، اعتبار عهود بيش از قانون داخلي است و اختيار مقنن را در وضع قانون معارض محدود مي كند در صورتيكه قضات محاکم هيچگونه اهميتي به ميثاق ياد شده نداده و آن را ناديده مي انگارند .
قضاتي كه مبادرت به صدور حكم اعدام اطفال زير 18 سال مي نمايند  به مواد 49 قانون مجازات اسلامي و 1210 قانون مدني استناد مي نمايند در حالي كه با بررسي اين مواد با تفسير به نفع متهم نتيجه مي گيريم كه قانونگذار با ذكر صريح ” بلوغ شرعي ” در قانون مجازات اسلامي خواسته است سن مسئوليت كيفري را مجزاي از سن بلوغ در قانون مدني نمايد حال آنکه در نظرات فقها در خصوص سن بلوغ شرعي با مغايرتهايي مواجه هستيم و يك نظر واحد در اين رابطه وجود ندارد .
 فارغ از اختلاف نظر در سن بلوغ در ميان فقها ، امكان شرعي براي تغيير سن مسئوليت كيفري نيز وجود دارد. پاسخ برخي مراجع تقليد به اين سوال كه آيا حاكم شرع مي تواند در احكام كيفري افرادي كه از نظر شرعي بالغند ولي به سن قانوني ۱۸ سال نرسيده اند، تخفيفاتي قائل شود و نيز حكم همين مسئله در موارد حدود و قصاص و نيز مواردي كه چنين احكامي موجب وهن اسلام مي شود، چيست؟ گواهي بر این مدعا است . آيت الله نوري همدان در پاسخ به اين سوال اظهار داشته اند: «با رعايت دقت و مصلحت مي تواند.» آيت الله بهجت مي‌گويد: « مي توان در اين گونه موارد از طرقي كه منجر به اثبات كامل جرم نشود يا ترغيب ذي حق به عفو استفاده كرد.» آيت الله مكارم شيرازي نيز نظر خود را اينگونه بيان كرده اند:« براي شمول قوانين جزايي نسبت به نوجوانان كم سن و سال لازم است حد نصاب رشد عقلي در اين زمينه احراز شود و اگر در مواردي مشكوك باشد حدودو قصاص مشمول قاعده درء است و اما در مورد عناوين ثانويه چنانچه واقعا و به طور دقيق احراز شود كه تعميم قانون شرع نسبت به افرادي كه فوق سن بلوغ شرعي و زير سن ۱۸ سال قرار دارند، سبب وهن اسلام در جهان خارج مي شود، مي توان براي آنان تخفيفاتي قائل شد. اضافه بر اين بسياري از حدود از طريق اقرار ثابت      مي شود و دست قاضي در اين گونه موارد باز است. همچنين در مورد تعزيرات و از اينها گذشته در مورد قصاص قضات مي توانند بعد از صدور حكم پادرمياني كنند و در مورد افراد كم سن و سال به نحوي رضايت منجي عليه را به دست آورند و يا آن را تبديل به ديه يا مادون ديه كنند.»
به هر حال امروزه ثابت شده است كه سن مسئوليت كيفري افراد در مورد جرايمي كه مجازات اعدام و حبس ابد را در بردارد 18 سال بوده و افراد زير 18 سال طفل ناميده مي شوند.
در كشور ما حتي اگر پسري به سن 15 سال و دختری به 9 سال تمام قمری  برسد – نه شمسي – و مرتكب قتل گردد اعدام خواهد شد . محمد لطيف در سن 14 سال 11 ماهگي مرتكب قتل مي شود كارشناسان پزشکی قانونی ، در خصوص رشد عقلاني محمد اظهار نظر نموده و همگي متفق القولند كه نامبرده در زمان وقوع جرم ،  فاقد رشد عقلاني بوده است . ولي متاسفانه دادگاه بدون توجه به اين موضوع وي را به ناحق به قصاص نفس محكوم نموده و وي در حال حاضر منتظر اجراي حكم قصاص نفس مي باشد .
رياست محترم قوه قضاييه اينجانب به جرأت و جسارت اعلام مي نمايم موكلين اينجانب و ديگر كسانيكه در سن زير 18 سالگي مرتكب جرم شده و مي شود عملشان ناخواسته به دليل عدم رشد عقلاني بوده و مستحق اعدام نمي باشند آنان در حال طی نمودن دوران كودكي خود بوده  و حال كه بالغ شده و چشم به اجتماع گشوده اند خود را در زندان دیده و بالاي دار تصور      مي كنند و روز و شب را بيهوده و در انتظار اعدام به سر مي برند برخی از آنها قتلی مرتکب نشده لیکن به لحاظ حس کودکی که داشتند قتل را گردن گرفته و متعاقبا با دلایل و مدارکی منکر آن شده و برخی نیز در مقام دفاع مشروع و بدون قصد قبلی و به ناچار مرتکب قتل     شده اند ولی فریاد دادخواهیشان به هیچ جا و هیچ کس نرسیده است .
روزي به ملاقات دو تن از موكلينم در زندان عادل آباد شيراز رفتم پس از انجام تشريفات ملاقات ، توانستم پس از سه ساعت آنان را ملاقات كنم وقتي آنها را ديدم رنگشان پريده و دست و پايشان مي لرزيد چون گمان مي كردند براي اجراي حكم اعدام صدايشان زده اند به همين دليل از خروج از بند خود طفره مي رفتند .
رياست محترم قوه قضاييه مي دانم كه در دوره رياستتان بارها احكام قطعي قصاص نفس را براي بررسي مجدد به بازرسان اداره نظارت و پيگيري ارجاع نموده  و سعي كرده ايد تا          مي توانيد و از دستتان بر مي آيد تسامح و تساهل به خرج دهيد و نگذارید سر بی گناه بالای دار برود نمونه آنها حكم اعدام شهلا جاهد بوده است كه توسط حضرتعالي  بارها مورد بررسي قضات ديوانعالي كشور قرار گرفت  و در مورد اجراي حكم اعدام كبري رحمانپور مصلحت را در صلح و سازش و كسب رضايت از اولياءدم ديديد .  همچنين حساسيت شما در قبال احكام سنگسار – كه قانوني موضوعه دارد – بر كسي پوشده نيست هر چند برخي از قضات بدون در نظر گرفتن بخشنامه منع اجراي حكم سنگسار مرد بي پناهي را به فجيع ترين وضع در يكي از روستاهاي تاكستان سنگسار و چهره كشور عزيزمان را به عالميان خشن جلوه دادند .
جناب آقاي شاهرودي تنها مجازاتي كه قانونا مستلزم وجود اذن حضرتعالي مي باشد طبق  ماده 205 قانون مجازات اسلامي ، قصاص نفس است لذا استدعای حقیر به عنوان وکیل عده زیادی از اطفال محکوم به قصاص نفس این است که تا تعيين تكليف نهايي لايحه دادرسي رسيدگي به جرايم اطفال ، با صدور بخشنامه اي مستند به اختيارات مندرج در مادۀ 205 قانون مجازات اسلامي – كه اذن در قصاص نفس از طريق مقام رهبري به حضرتعالي تفويض شده است – مقرر فرماييد عمليات اجرايي اينگونه احكام متوقف و اطفال زير 18 سال اعدام نگردند . بديهي است توقف عمليات اجراي احكام قصاص نه به ضرر اولياي دم و نه به ضرر جامعه است ليكن در صورت اجراي حكم اعدام و تصويب لايحه  رسيدگي به جرايم اطفال و در عين حال حذف اعدام اطفال زير 18 سال ، در کنار زیر پا گذاشتن عدالت و انصاف ، هم جامعه متضرر مي شود و هم طفلي كه ناخواسته و نادانسته مرتكب جرم شده است حياتش به ناروا سلب مي گردد و در چنين صورتي  و حتی اثبات بی گناهی محکوم علیه ، به هيچ طريق  نمي توان جبران مافات و اعاده نفس نمود                                      با احترام – محمد مصطفايي
 وكيل مدافع عده اي از محکومین به اعدام
 

به سوی جهانی ‌بدون اعدام

Courtesy Iran Emrooz By: Dr. Hossein Bagherzadeh

دکتر حسين باقر

در فاصله یك هفته، دو سازمان حقوق بشری‌ بین‌المللی گزارش‌های مفصلی‌ در باره اعدام كودكان بزهكار در ایران منتشر كرده‌اند. گزارش دیده‌بان حقوق بشر در این باره هفته گذشته منتشر شد، و گزارش 15 هزار كلمه‌ای عفو بین‌الملل تحت عنوان «ایران:‌ آخرین اعدام كننده كودكان» در این هفته انتشار می‌یابد. این امر تقریبا بی سابقه است كه دو سازمان مستقل حقوق بشری كه در موقعیت جهانی خود در مقام اول و دوم قرار دارند هم‌زمان گزارشی در باره یك موضوع آن هم در یكی از كشورهای جهان منتشر كنند. مسئله اعدام كودكان بزهكار چنان به صورت وحشتناكی در ایران جریان دارد كه توجه این هر دو سازمان بین‌المللی را به خود اختصاص داده است. دیده‌بان حقوق بشر جمهوری اسلامی ایران را «جلودار اعدام كودكان در دنیا» می‌خواند، و عفو بین‌الملل مدال «آخرین اعدام كننده كودكان» را به این رژیم بخشیده است.

كودكان بزهكار در حقوق جزایی به كسانی اطلاق می‌شود كه در سن زیر 18 سالگی مرتكب جرم می‌شوند. غالب كشورهای جهان مجازات‌های خاصی برای این افراد كه با مجازات بزرگسالان متفاوت است در قوانین خود منظور كرده‌اند و تقریبا تمامی كشورهای جهان به هیچ عنوان از مجازات اعدام برای این افراد (هر چند هم كه جنایت آنان سنگین باشد) استفاده نمی‌كنند. در این میان فقط استثناهای محدودی وجود دارد كه در سال‌های اخیر به اعدام‌‌هایی از این قبیل دست زده‌اند و در هر دو گزارش یادشده از آن‌ها نام برده شده است: چین، پاكستان، سودان و ایران. ولی نمونه‌های سه كشور اول بسیار محدود است و ایران به تنهایی بیش از مجموع آن‌ها در هر یك از سال‌های اخیر به اعدام كودكان بزهكار دست زده است. جالب این كه حكومت ایران بارها اعدام كودكان بزهكار را تكذیب كرده است. ولی‌هر دو گزارش نمونه‌های مستندی از این اعدام‌ها را فهرست كرده‌اند. عفو بین‌الملل در گزارش خود از 24 مورد اعدام كودكان بزهكار از سال 1990 تا به حال نام برده و هشت مورد از این اعدامها را در گزارش خود به تفصیل شرح داده است.

از نظر كل اعدام‌ها نیز می‌دانیم كه جمهوری اسلامی تنها كشوری است كه همواره در صدر جدول كشورهای اعدام كننده جهان قرار داشته است. به عبارت دیگر اگر به چند كشوری كه در طول تقریبا سه دهه اخیر از نظر اجرای بیشترین اعدام‌ها در صدر جدول در جهان قرار گرفته‌اند نظر بیندازیم، می‌بینیم كه تقریبا تنها دو عضو ثابت این كلوب اختصاصی چین و ایران بوده‌اند – با این تفاوت كه با توجه به جمعیت عظیم چین، به لحاظ سرانه جمهوری اسلامی در غالب موارد جای بالاتری داشته است. به لحاظ كیفیت و نحوه اعدام نی‍ز چه در انواع آن به شمول سنگسار و چه اجرای آن در معابر و شوارع عام نیز جمهوری اسلامی تقریبا كارنامه ثابت و بی‌نظیری در سطح جهان داشته است. اكنون می‌بینیم كه از نظر اعدام كودكان بزهكار نیز جمهوری اسلامی در مسابقه خشونت گوی سبقت را از همه كشورهای جهان ربوده و با فاصله بسیار زیادی افتخار لقب جلودار یا آخرین اعدام كننده كودكان را نصیب خود كرده است.

انتشار دو گزارش اخیر به طور تقریبا هم‌زمان، كارنامه سیاه حقوق بشری‌ جمهوری اسلامی را در معرض افكار عمومی در سطح جهان قرار می‌دهد و بر فشارهای بین‌المللی بر رژیم ایران می‌افزاید. گرچه رژیم ایران در برابر این گونه فشارها مقاومت به خرج می‌دهد، ولی این فشار‌ها گاه مؤثر است و در مواردی توانسته رژیم را به عقب‌نشینی وادارد. نمونه‌های متعددی از این موفقیت‌ها را می‌توان در سال‌های اخیر برشمرد. در مورد مشخص اعدام نوجوانان، گزارش عفو بین‌الملل از دو مورد نازنین فاتحی و لیلا مافی‌ نام برده است كه بر اثر فشارهای بین‌المللی از مرگ نجات یافتند. همین چند روز پیش نیز شاهد بودیم كه یك كارزار چند ساعته داخلی و بین‌المللی، سنگسار یك زن و مرد را كه قرار بود در تاكستان اجرا شود متوقف كرد و مقامات قضایی‌ ایران كه می‌خواستند از این فاجعه وحشتناك یك نمایش عمومی بسازند به سرعت عقب نشینی كردند.

یك نمونه برجسته دیگر از تأثیر افكار عمومی جهان و فشار آن بر كشورهایی كه در سطح بین‌المللی از كارنامه بسیار سیاهی برخوردارند اخیرا در چین دیده شده است. چین همه ساله چندین هزار نفر را به كام مرگ می‌فرستند و تا كنون زیر فشار جامعه جهانی‌ برای كاهش این اعدام‌ها مقاومت كرده است. اكنون و در آستانه برگزاری المپیك جهانی در سال 2008 در پكن، مقامات این كشور به تكاپو افتاده‌اند تا این چهره شرم‌آگین خود را تا حدی از آلودگی پاك كنند. به این منظور، چند هفته پیش، چین قانونی گذراند كه بر اساس آن از تعداد جرایمی كه مجازات اعدام در پی دارد تا حد زیادی كم شده است. پیش‌بینی می‌شود كه با اجرای این قانون، از حجم اعدام‌های این كشور به طور محسوسی كاسته شود. به این ترتیب، برگزاری یك برنامه جهانی مانند المپیك در كشور چین باعث آن شده است كه این كشور در كارنامه حقوق بشری خود تجدید نظری‌ بكند و به میل یا اكراه آن را تغییر دهد. از سوی دیگر، در همین روزها شنیدیم كه جمهوری اسلامی به دلیل سیاست تبعیض‌آمی‍ز خود علیه زنان و شركت آنان در استادیوم‌های ورزشی، شانس خود را در میزبانی جام ملت‌های آسیا در سال 2011 از دست داده است.

این نمونه‌ها نشان می‌دهد كه كشورهای ناقض حقوق بشر، اگر می‌خواهند در جامعه جهانی جایی داشته باشند و از مزایای ارتباطات و تعامل‌های بین‌المللی برخوردار شوند، مجبورند در كارنامه خود تجدید نظر كنند و از شدت خشونت خود بكاهند. از این رو، می‌توان گفت كه هر چه نیاز یك كشور به جهان خارج و به خصوص غرب بیشتر شود به نفع حقوق بشر در آن كشور است، و در شرایطی كه انقلاب اطلاعاتی و رسانه‌ای مانع از سركوب خبری در كشورهای جهان سوم می‌شود این تأثیر بیشتر است. به همین دلیل،‌ امروز در مقایسه با دهه 1360، جمهوری‌ اسلامی به مراتب بیشتر در برابر فشار غرب و نهادهای بین‌المللی آسیب‌پذیر است و فعالان حقوق بشر باید از این خصوصیت در پیكارهای حقوق بشری خود بهره بگیرند. از هم اكنون می‌توان اظهار امیدواری كرد كه دو گزارش اخیر دیده‌بان حقوق بشر و عفو بین‌الملل رژیم جمهوری اسلامی را در برابر جامعه جهانی به شرم آورد و در نتیجه ما به تدریج شاهد قطع اعدام كودكان بزهكار در ایران باشیم.

قطع این اعدام‌ها البته، همان طور كه در گزارش عفو بین‌الملل آمده است، باید گامی در راه لغو كامل مجازات اعدام در ایران تلقی ‌شود. رسیدن به این هدف، متأسفانه با توجه به این كه هنوز تقریبا یك سوم كشورهای جهان كم و بیش به اعدام شهروندان خود دست می‌زنند، دشوارتر است. ولی خوشبختانه در این مورد نی‍ز فشار جامعه جهانی در حال افزایش است و در سال‌های اخیر پیكار برای رسیدن به جهانی‌ بدون اعدام وسعت و شدت بیشتری یافته است. از جمله، در همین روزها كه گزارش‌های فوق در باره اعدام نوجوانان در ایران منتشر شده است، اعلام شد كه اتحادیه اروپا در سپتامبر آینده برای اولین بار طی پیشنهادی‌ از مجمع عمومی سازمان ملل توقف كامل اعدام در سراسر جهان را خواستار خواهد شد. تقدیم این پیشنهاد از سال‌ها پیش در درون اتحادیه اروپا مطرح بوده، ولی به دلیل مخالفت برخی از اعضای اتحادیه به تصویب نرسیده بود. اكنون به كوشش ایتالیا و با كمك فرانسه و اسپانیا و آلمان این پیشنهاد از تصویب اتحادیه اروپا گذشته و برای تقدیم به مجمع عمومی سازمان ملل آماده شده است. با توجه به این كه اكثریت قاطع اعضای سازمان ملل خود مجازات اعدام را لغو كرده‌اند شانس تصویب این قطعنامه در مجمع عمومی بالا است.

مصوبات مجمع عمومی سازمان ملل (بر خلاف شورای امنیت) البته ضمانت اجرایی‌ ندارد و نمی‌تواند بلافاصله به قطع اعدام در جهان منجر شود. ولی تصویب چنین قطعنامه‌ای یك نقطه عطف بزرگ در مبارزات حقوق بشری بشمار خواهد رفت و بدون تردید كارزار جهانی علیه اعدام را تا حد زیادی به جلو خواهد راند. به این ترتیب می‌توان گفت كه با تصویب این قطعنامه، برای اولین بار جهان بدون اعدام در افق دید ما قرار خواهد گرفت و ما به سرعت بیشتری شاهد پیوستن كشورهای دیگر به صف الغاكنندگان مجازات اعدام خواهیم شد. در این شرایط حتا كشورهایی مانند چین و جمهوری اسلامی ایران نیز با همه عشق و علاقه‌ای خشونت‌باری كه به این كار نشان می‌دهند نخواهند توانست به راحتی گذشته به آن ادامه دهند. هفته 20 تا 27 ژوئن 2007 با انتشار دو گزارش در باره اعدام نوجوانان در ایران، و اعلام تصمیم اتحادیه اروپا برای ارائه پیشنهاد به مجمع عمومی‌ سازمان ملل بر توقف مجازات اعدام در سراسر جهان، بدون تردید نقطه عطفی در پیكار علیه اعدام به خصوص در ایران بشمار خواهد رفت. پیكارگران علیه مجازات اعدام در ایران باید از این فرصت برای تشدید مبارزه خود بهره گیرند و با اعتماد بیشتر به موفقیت نهایی‌ آن بر جد و جهد خود بیفزایند. به سوی جهانی – و ایرانی – بدون اعدام!

Statement against imprisonment of prisoner and children rights activist : Emad Baghi

The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders

 

  URGENT APPEAL – THE OBSERVATORY

IRN 006 / 0807 / OBS 088

Sentencing / Hindrance to freedoms of expression and movement         Iran       August 2, 2007

The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a joint programme of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), requests your urgent intervention in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Description of the situation:

The Observatory was informed by the Iranian League for the Defence of Human Rights (LDDHI) of the sentencing on July 31, 2007 of Mr. Emadeddin Baghi, a journalist involved in the defence of human rights, to three years in prison and of the suspended sentences on his wife, Mrs. Fatemeh Kamali Ahmad Sarahi, editor of the now-closed monthly Jameh-e-no, as well as his daughter, Ms. Maryam Baghi.

According to the information received, Mr. Baghi was condemned by the Tehran Revolutionary Court on July 31, 2007, for articles he had written in the Jomhouriat newspaper, of which he had been the editor-in-chief until it was closed down by the authorities in September 2004. The articles called for the defence of persons who were sentenced to death in the southern Khozestan region. He was condemned for “activities against national security” and “publicity in favour of the regime’s opponents”.

On the same day, his wife and his daughter were given three-year suspended prison sentences and five years of probation for “meeting and colluding with the aim of disrupting national security”, after taking part in a series of human rights workshops in Dubai in 2004.

Mr. Baghi, his wife and his daughter have appealed their sentence. As a consequence, Mr. Baghi is not presently detained.
Over the past years, Mr. Baghi and his wife have been subjected to repeated acts of harassment due to their human rights activities. In particular, Mr. Baghi has already been detained from 2000 to 2003 for “attacking national security” in relation to articles he had written on human rights and against the death penalty. On leaving prison, he set up an organisation to defend the rights of prisoners of conscience, the Society for Defending Prisoners’ Rights. Moreover, his passport was confiscated on October 4, 2004, on the eve of his travel to Montreal, where he had planned to participate in the 2nd World Congress Against Death Penalty which was held from October 6 to 9, 2004. He has been banned from leaving the country since then and was accordingly prevented from going to France in December 2005 in order to receive the Human Rights Prize which had been awarded to him by the French National Consultative Commission on Human Rights (Commission Nationale Consultative des Droits de l’Homme – CNCDH)[1].

The Observatory expresses its deepest concern over the constant repression of human rights defenders in Iran, and urges the Iranian authorities to conform to Article 6(b) of the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 9, 1998, which states that “everyone has the right, individually and in association with others [… to]  freely to publish, impart or disseminate to others views, information and knowledge on all human rights and fundamental freedoms”.

The Observatory further wishes to recall that Iran had committed to “uphold the highest standards in the promotion and protection of human rights”[2] by presenting its candidacy to the Human Rights Council 2006 election and insisted in this regard on the fact that the country had “continuously put great efforts into safeguarding the status and inherent dignity of the human person as well as the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms”[3]. In order to ensure the continuation of these efforts, the Observatory strongly urges the Islamic Republic of Iran to conform with international human rights standards.

Actions requested:

 

Please write to the authorities in Iran urging them to:

i.                     Guarantee in all circumstances the physical and psychological integrity of Mr. Emadeddin Baghi, Mrs. Fatemeh Kamali Ahmad Sarahi and Ms. Maryam Baghi;

ii.                   Ensure that Mr. Emadeddin Baghi, Mrs. Fatemeh Kamali Ahmad Sarahi and Ms. Maryam Baghi be granted a fair trial in appeal so that all the charges against them be dropped as the merely aim at sanctioning their human rights activities;

iii.                  Ensure Mr. Baghi’s right to freedoms of expression and movement, in compliance with international human rights standards;

iv.                 Put an end to all acts of harassment against all Iranian human rights defenders;

v.                   Conform with the provisions of the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, especially its Article 1, which states that “everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, to promote and to strive for the protection and realisation of human rights and fundamental freedoms at the national and international levels”, above-mentioned Article 6(b) and Article 12.2, which provides that “the State shall take all necessary measures to ensure the protection by the competent authorities of everyone, individually and in association with others, against any violence, threats, retaliation, de facto or de jure adverse discrimination, pressure or any other arbitrary action as a consequence of his or her legitimate exercise of the rights referred to in the present Declaration”;

vi.                 More generally, ensure in all circumstances the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and with international and regional human rights instruments ratified by Iran.

Addresses:

·         Leader of the Islamic Republic, His Excellency Ayatollah Sayed Ali Khamenei, The Office of the Supreme Leader, Shoahada Street, Qom, Islamic Republic of Iran, Faxes: + 98.21.649.5880 / 21.774.2228, Email: info@leader.ir / istiftaa@wilayah.org / webmaster@wilayah.org;

·         President, His Excellency Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the Presidency, Palestine Avenue, Azerbaijan Intersection, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran, Fax: + 98.21.649.5880, E-mail: dr-ahmadinejad@president.ir;

·         Head of the Judiciary, His Excellency Mr. Mahmoud Hashemi Shahrudi, Ministry of Justice, Park-e Shahr, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran, Fax: +98.21.879.6671 / +98 21 3 311 6567, Email: Irjpr@iranjudiciary.com;

·         Minister of Foreign Affairs, His Excellency Mr. Manuchehr Motaki, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Sheikh Abdolmajid Keshk-e Mesri Av, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran, Fax: + 98.21.390.1999, Email: matbuat@mfa.gov;

·         Permanent Mission of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Chemin du Petit-Saconnex 28, 1209 Geneva, Switzerland, Fax: +41 22 7330203, Email: mission.iran@ties.itu.int;

·         Ambassador Mr. Ahani, Embassy of Iran in Brussels, avenue Franklin Roosevelt, 15 A. 1050 Bruxelles, Belgium, Fax: + 32 2 762 39 15. Email: iran-embassy@yahoo.com.

Please also write to the diplomatic mission or embassy of Iran in your respective country.

***

Paris – Geneva, August 2, 2007

Kindly inform us of any action undertaken quoting the code of this appeal in your reply.

The Observatory, a FIDH and OMCT venture, is dedicated to the protection of Human Rights Defenders and aims to offer them concrete support in their time of need. The Observatory was the winner of the 1998 Human Rights Prize of the French Republic.

To contact the Observatory, call the emergency line:

E-mail: Appeals@fidh-omct.org

Tel and fax FIDH + 33 (0) 1 43 55 20 11 / +33 1 43 55 18 80

Tel and fax OMCT + 41 (0) 22 809 49 39 / + 41 22 809 49 29

[1] See 2004 and 2005 Annual Reports of the Observatory. [2] See 2004 and 2005 Annual Reports of the Observatory.

[3] See http://www.un.org/ga/60/elect/hrc/iran.pdf.

Iranian Children and Prisoner Rights Activist sentenced to 3 years prison

Emadeldin Baghi , the head of Society for Defending Prisoners’ Rights in Iran , a journalist and writer , was sentenced to 3 years imprisonment yesterday. The “revolutionary court” of Iran’s Islamic Regime sentenced Mr. Baghi to 2 years imprisonment for “assembly” and “conspiracy for crimes against country’s security” and 1 year imprisonment for “propaganda against regime of Islamic Republic of Iran for benefit of foreign and opposition forces”. According to Mahmoud Alam, defence attorney, this was primary because of Baghi’s interview with media and writing letters about the rights of political prisoners and those who were sentenced to death in the southern City of Ahwaz.

According to Alam four other people including Emadeldin Baghi’s wife and daughter were also sentenced to 3 years imprisonment. They were convicted of attending a human right seminar in United Arab Emirate. Mr. Alam announced that he will be appealing the sentence and he hopes the higher courts would overturn the present verdicts.

Last month in his blog, Emadeldin Baghi published the first comprehensive report in Persian about children execution in Iran. The report which was posted on Baghi’s site was also published by Ham-mihan newspaper in Iran and SCE Campaign. Ham-Miahn newspaper is now accused of conspiracies , shut down and its editors have appeared in courts. Ham-mihan was among the only remaining papers which had a weekly page devoted to “human Rights” . The report by Mr. Baghi included a list of the children facing execution with detailed description of their crime, age and other information. Based on the eye opening contents of the report Stop Child Execution Campaign and Amnesty International immediately reported the substantial increase in the documented cases of children facing execution in Iran. The article was recently translated to English by Amnesty International UK.

Emadeldin Baghi and his wife were also among those who rushed to the recently scheduled execution of Sina Paymard two weeks ago and were instrumental in stopping the execution of Sina Paymard. Baghi was contacted last year by Sina’s father to help with Sina’s case.

BBC radio Persian program recently interviewed Mr. Baghi in Persian about subject of child executions which was also reflected on SCE site: http://scenews.blog.com/1875592/. Also Radio Farda (US) and Radio France interviewed Mr. Baghi on the same subject following the report; The three interviews (in Persian) can be found in the Emadeldin Baghi’s site at : http://www.emadbaghi.com/. (The English language pages of website are at : http://www.emadbaghi.com/en/).

Emadeldin Baghi has previously also been imprisoned by the regime in Iran.

Stop Child Executions Campaign consider charges such as Assembly, attending human rights seminars, interview with media and propaganda against national security the vague and baseless. Freedom of assembly, Interviews, Protecting the human rights of prisoners and children are in compliance with human rights articles of United Nations .

Stop Child Executions Campaign demand the Iranian Authorities and government to immediately drop all charges. We further request United Nations and other International organizations, governments and authorities to strongly object to the recent prison verdicts of Mr. Baghi, his family and associates.

The prison verdicts is categorized as “Ta’ziri” which in Shia terminology is defined as religious verdicts , irreversible and equated with word of God, as such charges are not even in accordance to current laws and constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran.

Sources: ISNA, Etemaad, Eghbal (closed), Ham-mihan (closed), Sramayeh

Emadeldin Baghi is convicted of defending the rights of those who were imprisoned and executed by Iran’s Regime in City of Ahwaz. Above is the Photo of an Iranian youth who was publically executed in Ahwaz.